In recent days, the question of whether the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) of independent Chinese secondary schools is unconstitutional has once again become a focal point of intense attention in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah, and Sarawak. Political parties from both sides of the divide, government and civil society, hold differing views. The Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Pakatan Harapan's past promises have been re-examined, with accusations of "breach of faith" difficult to refute. However, if we remain confined to the level of political party maneuvering or ethnic sentiment, the problem will never be resolved.
For the people of Sabah and Sarawak, the real crux of the UEC controversy lies neither in educational technicalities nor in constitutional provisions themselves, but in the long-term deviation from Malaysia's founding ideals and the persistent absence of political determination.
1. The Theoretical Roots of UEC Politicization from Mahathir's Perspective
The reason UEC has been labeled as "unconstitutional" can be traced back to the ideological system constructed by Mahathir over decades. Published in 1970, The Malay Dilemma highly simplified national development issues into matters of ethnic structure, advocating for the reshaping of social distribution and cultural dominance through state machinery. Subsequently, works such as The Challenge and Malaysia: Can We Survive? systematically proposed a governance logic that "the nation must be dominated by a single mainstream culture, with other cultures merely tolerated rather than coexisting in parallel."
Within this theoretical framework, education is no longer merely a public policy for cultivating talent but has been instrumentalized as a core means of "nation-building engineering." Any institutional existence outside the national examination and unified education system is viewed as a potential threat. The problem of UEC has been manufactured within this mindset.
2. An Alternative Path from Pre-1957 Malay Leaders
However, looking back to the history before 1957, Malay political thought was not so monolithic. Early leaders such as Tunku Abdul Rahman and Onn Jaafar clearly advocated for political cooperation in a plural society and the construction of a civic community. Onn Jaafar even proposed opening UMNO to non-Malays, based on the principle that "national identity supersedes ethnic identity."
The nation-building vision of that era was not cultural suppression but political compromise and plural coexistence. This inclusive tradition was gradually marginalized later, laying the groundwork for today's zero-sum confrontation over education and language.
3. The Falsity of "Unconstitutional" Accusations from a Sabah-Sarawak Perspective
From a legal standpoint, the accusation that UEC is "unconstitutional" simply does not hold water. Article 152 of the Federal Constitution establishes Malay as the national language but simultaneously clearly guarantees the learning and use of other languages, never prohibiting institutional recognition of multilingual educational achievements. Recognizing UEC neither undermines the status of the national language nor alters the national language system.
More importantly, the nation-building arrangement under the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63) inherently recognizes the special status of Sabah and Sarawak in language, education, and administration. In the early days of nationhood, English remained the official language of education and administration in Sabah and Sarawak. This historical fact itself refutes the argument that "a single language equals national loyalty."
4. Promises and Betrayal: The Problem Lies Not in Technicalities but in Political Will
The DAP and Pakatan Harapan clearly promised to "recognize UEC" in both the 2018 and 2022 general elections. Now they retreat with reasons such as "unconstitutional" or "society not ready," which is essentially not a legal discovery but a political calculation. For the people of Sabah and Sarawak, this is not only a betrayal of educational policy but also another denial of "partnership politics."
Data shows that over 97% of UEC graduates have already passed Malay language at SPM level; UEC is recognized by more than 30 countries and thousands of universities worldwide, yet it alone is excluded from the public system in its home country. This is not a capability issue but a political choice.
5. The Practical Significance of UEC from the Perspective of Human Progress and Global Dynamics
In an era when the global economic center of gravity is shifting eastward and a multipolar world is taking shape, multilingual capability has become a fundamental productive factor of national competitiveness, not an ethnic symbol. China, ASEAN, and regional supply chain restructuring are profoundly changing the talent demand structure. Refusing to recognize UEC is equivalent to voluntarily abandoning an entire generation of talent with multilingual and cross-cultural capabilities.
For Sabah and Sarawak, multilingualism has never been a political slogan but a survival reality. We have long interacted with Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, and China; language is a development tool, not an identity threat.
6. The True Solution to UEC: Far-Sighted Political Determination
Therefore, the solution to the UEC problem has never been about technical details but about political determination. It tests not the ability to interpret the constitution but whether the leadership is willing to break free from Mahathir-style zero-sum ethnic thinking and return to the pluralistic nation-building spirit embodied in 1957 and 1963.
A truly far-sighted government should acknowledge reality, respect history, and face the future: uphold the constitution without distorting its pluralistic intent; honor promises rather than constantly seeking excuses; aim for long-term national capacity building rather than short-term ethnic mobilization.
UEC is not a threat to the nation; refusing to recognize UEC is. The solution depends solely on whether there is political determination, whether politics is enlightened enough and courageous enough.
By Yii Ching Liik, 17-12-2025